CHIEF BOLA IGE'S LETTER TO CHIEF OBASANJO (For days latter he was murdered)

LETTER FROM BOLA IGE TO OBASANJO

LETTER FROM IGE TO OBJ
Abuja
December 19, 2001

 My dear president,
First, I wish to thank you most sincerely for the respect and affection you have shown me and my family since you appointed me as one of your ministers on 30 June 1999. You have, of course, always shown love for my family, especially our Brother George and Tinuke for the last two and a half years, however, you have gone further to show it, whenever you could, more correctly.
The latest is yesterday's National Awards by making Tinuke an officer of the Order of the Federal Republic. This followed fast on the heels of my election to the International Law Commission of the United Nations, concerning which your excellency gave me total support.
It is not only you; your amiable wife, our First Lady, Stella, has equally, always, everywhere, treated me and Tinuke with great respect and affection. We are very grateful.

Secondly, I have enjoyed working with your Excellency in this government. Whether it was when I was the minister of Power and Steel or in my current office as Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, I thank you.
I have had this to complain about.
Your Excellency will recall that in June this year, I indicated my intention to leave government in September 2002. Your Excellency would hear nothing on such suggestion and you said you would like me to stay on with you till the end of your term. I thanked your Excellency for such expression of your confidence in me, but added that I would raise the matter some time again.
Two of our mutual good friends Brigadier-General Oluwole Rotimi and Prince Bola Ajibola have told me that they have each discussed the matter with you; the latter has told me that he discussed the matter with you recently at some length, and that your Excellency now seemed satisfied with the reasons why I should leave on 31 March 2002.

I wish to reiterate some of the reasons. There is much work to be done in Yorubaland for the purpose of consolidating strong participation in the governance of this Federal Republic of Nigeria in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance, freedom from fear and suspicion, and assurance that Yorubaland has a pivotal role to play in the sustenance of this Federal Republic. It is a complex situation which needs careful handling. I know and believe that I am up to the task. I will not be able to give enough attention to it if I remain in government beyond 31 March, 2002.
Although your Excellency and I may not be on the same wave length when it comes to the issue of the federal structure of Nigeria and the inevitability of a National conference for a new constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I have found in the last months that you are probably the most fervent Nigerian nationalist I have ever met, and your utter commitment to the unity of Nigeria even to the point that I sometimes fear that you may not care much about federalism is genuine. You eat, drink and breathe Nigeria, and you hardly have time or room to bother that there are serious differences within Nigeria.
Your military background has bored this your passionate love for the country, and I greatly admire you for it.
That is why I believe that God has a purpose for making you the president of this country at this time, and you need the support of everyone of us who care for this country, whatever our "ideological positions, that is why I have never had any hesitation in giving you my full support, and urging people who think like me and hold generally the same position as I to give you support to enable a good foundation to be laid for the future greatness of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
I have no reason to think that you will deviate from the path of righteousness, rectitude, good governance, honesty, transparency and accountability or that you will allow personal or party interest to become more important to your Excellency than the greater good of this country. That is why you can count on me to join hands with you to build this Federal Republic of Nigeria on such a good and endowing foundation which will make it the first and the biggest black superpower which I have always believed God has purposed this country to be, and in which all our nation politics will bring their talents and............................ to ........ this great country.

As you are no doubt aware, I am a disciple and apostle of Obafemi Awolowo, and I intend to harness the efforts of all of us who believe in his political philosophy towards the attainment and enhancement of the greatness of this country, taking into consideration, of course, the facts on the ground at this point in tune.
Your Excellency is also aware that I have a pivotal role to play in my party, the Alliance for Democracy (AD), while you are engineering your party (PDP) I need to strengthen my own, so that in 2003, there will be a credible, strong, clean national government in which the major parties will be well represented. My prayer is that nothing will happen adversely which will frustrate the fond hope.

I am glad to report to your Excellency that work has almost ended on the putting together of the Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2002. By the first or second week of January 2002, we should have the "clean copy" which will enable us to go to print electronically and in paper. Before I leave on 31 March 2002, everything will be ready, God willing.
With regard to the reform of the administration of justice system, I have received such wonderful cooperation from the chief justice of Nigeria, the State judiciaries, the Attorneys-General of the states and Police and Prison officials that I can say that we are on the right track.
Between now and March 31, 2002, I assure your Excellency that I will do all in my power to see that God and the courts give us victory in the two landmark cases that it has been my good fortune to bring to the point of hearing.
Between 7 and 11 January 2002, the Supreme Court will hear the (on-shore/Off-shore alias" Resource control") case it is going to be very interesting and all the parties will put their best and most ingenious efforts into it.
I am glad to have Chief Rotimi Williams SAN and Alhaji Abdullahi Ibrahim SAN work with me on the case.
It is not unlikely that the case will take longer than few days as there will be at least 38 addresses, as every Attorney-General will have filed his brief of argument. We, on our part, will marshal a good and strong case.
The other case is the Cameroon v. Nigeria before the International Court of Justice at The Hague. I am already fine-turning my address which will open the Nigerian case. Our team will be in The Hague from 11 February to 22 March 2002, the last day of hearing. I am quite satisfied with the ability and commitment of our foreign counsel, since I made known to them the position of this government. We have pleaded before the court a good and formidable case.
I will also continue our vigorous pursuit of those who looted our country's funds. A good start has been made and my successor can complete it.

Your Excellency, I thank you once again. All my life I will be your good friend, and I pray to God not to allow anything to break our friendship. Tinuke and I will always hold you and our dear Stella in our hearts. May our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ bless all of us this coming year and all the days of our lives. Amen.

Yours, very sincerely,
Bola Ige

TO MAJOR GENERAL AGUIYI IRONSI FROM OBAFEMI AWOLOWO

CONFIDENTIAL

Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison To Major General Aguiyi Ironsi Pressing For His Release And That Of His Colleagues (Dated 28th March 1966)

The Supreme Commander and Head of the Federal Military Government, Lagos.Thro: The Director of Prisons, Prisons Headquarters Office, Private Mail Bag 12522, Lagos.

Sir:

PREROGATIVE OF MERCY:
SECTION 101 (1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963

1. I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101(1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.

2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honour to lead.

3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself.

(a)In the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favoured and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C. as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as ‘the problem of Nigeria’, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963 (that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C. which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organisation, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and, in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C., I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that their acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation. TODAY, THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, OF WHICH YOU ARE THE HEAD, LEAVES NO ONE IN ANY DOUBT THAT IT STANDS FOR NIGERIAN UNITY. BUT IT MUST BE EMPHASISED, IN THIS CONNECTION, THAT IF I HAD PRIZED MY PERSONAL FREEDOM ABOVE THE UNITY OF NIGERIA, I WOULD HAVE BEEN SET FREE IN 1963. IN THAT EVENT, THIS PETITION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN NECESSARY, AND THE WORK OF CONSOLIDATING THE UNITY OF THE COUNTRY TO WHICH YOU AND YOUR COLLEAGUES NOW SET YOUR HANDS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE EXTREMELY MORE INTRACTABLE AND IRKSOME. As recently as 20th December, 1965, identical peace terms (the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C. which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.

(b) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962. On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavourably on my non-acceptance of one of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.

(c) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues — like all well-meaning Nigerians are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart.

It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views — some of them well-considered and respectable — have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid- national growth.

This was so, because it was unexceptionably constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament. The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.

(d) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May,1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with the surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to the heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that it can be said, without much fear of contradiction, that today the majority of our people are passionately concerned about and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues. The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best. A state of psychological tension, however much it may be brought under control or repressed, does not and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people labouring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress. It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should be relaxed, if possible, without further delay.

(e) A petition of this kind is, by its very nature, bound to be replete with self-adulation. I hope and trust that, in the circumstances, this is excusable. It is in this hope and trust that I assert that my colleagues and I have the qualifications and capacity to render invaluable services to our people and fatherland. Every day that we spend in prison, therefore, must be regarded as TWENTY-FOUR UNFORGIVING HOURS OF TRULY VALUABLE SERVICES LOST TO OUR YOUNG COUNTRY. Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’ No country however advanced and civilized can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime. It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.

(f) Nigeria is now SIXTY-SIX MONTHS old as an independent State. The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA. In precise terms, I have spent FORTY-SIX out of the SIXTY-SIX MONTHS of independence in one form of confinement or another. I happened to know that the leaders of the old civilian regime, in spite of themselves, did not feel quite easy in their conscience about the plight into which they had manoeuvred me in the scheme of things; and I dare to express the hope and belief that you, personally view my present confinement with concern and disapproval.

(g) It is usual — almost invariably the case — on the accession of a revolutionary regime, for political prisoners and, indeed, other prisoners of some note, to be released as a mark of disapproval of some of the doings of the old regime, or in token of the new dawn of freedom which comes in the wake of the new regime. It would be invidious to quote unspecific instances. But in the case of my colleagues and myself, by courageously and adamantly opposing the evils which your regime now denounces in the former civilian administration, I think we are perfectly justified if we expect you to regard us as being in tune with your yearnings and aspirations for Nigeria, and therefore entitled to our personal freedoms under your dispensation.

4. In view of the foregoing reasons which clearly demonstrate:

(i) that I have always and, under trying circumstances, steadfastly and unyieldingly
(a) stood for the UNITY OF NIGERIA,
(b)been opposed to POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils, (c)fostered the growth of DEMOCRACY in Nigeria;

(ii) that my incarceration:
(a) has led to the heightening of political tension among Nigerians, which tension can only be relaxed by my release, (b)has deprived our fatherland of invaluable services such as we have rendered before, and can still render now and in future, in greater measure; and

(iii) that the evils which my colleagues and I condemned and valiantly refused to compromise with in the old civilian government are what you now quite rightly denounce, and are taking active steps to remove in order to pave the way for national and beneficial reconstruction, I most sincerely appeal to you to be good enough to exercise, in favour of myself and my colleagues, the prerogative of mercy vested in you by Section 10 (I) (i) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, by granting me as well as each of my colleagues A FREE PARDON. If you do, your action will be most warmly, heartily, and popularly applauded at home and abroad, and you will go down to history as soldier, statesmen, and humanitarian.
Yours truly,

OBAFEMI AWOLOWO.

THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY.
1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS
1.Chief Obafemi Awolowo 2.Chief Anthony Enahoro 3.Mr.Lateef K. Jakande 4.Mr.Dapo Omisade 5.Mr.S.A.Onitiri 6.Mr.Gabby Sasore 7.Mr.Sunday Ebietoma 8.Mr.U.I.Nwaobiala

2.THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS.
1.Mr. S.A.Otubanjo 2.Mr.S.J.Umoren 3.Mr.S.Oyesile.

3.THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET BEEN TRIED.
1. Mr.S.G.Ikoku 2.Mr.Ayo Adebanjo 3.Mr.James Aluko

Source: Awolowo, O. (1985). My march through prison. Macmillan Nigeria Publishers.

NIGERIA CIVIL WAR: TO ODUMEGWU OJUKWU FROM ROBERT S. GOLDSTEIN

By Babsins-Copied from Nairaland

OPEN LETTER OF RESIGNATION TO ODUMEGWU OJUKWU

FROM Robert S. Goldstein
Public Relations Representative of Biafra in the United States
(Published in the Morning Post, Lagos, August 17, 1968)

As your Public Relation's Representative in the United States, it is my distasteful duty to tender my resignation based on the following points:

POINT 1 - In November of 1967 when we met in Umuahia, you and your Cabinet were very impressive. You told me of the woes of your little Republic, that thousands of people had died, were dying and more were prepared to die for freedom's sake.
You and your Cabinet told me you believed world opinion would help your cause if you could get your story across.
You expressed the opinion that very few if any people in the United States knew of the plight of the Biafrans.
You asked me to tell the world that Britain had teamed up with Russia in a conspiracy with the Federal Government of Nigeria to murder every Ibo in Biafra. You suggested I use my talents to induce the Press to write about the Biafran side of the war, as at that time all news came out of Lagos.
You will recall I did not take the asssignment that day but stayed on several days before deciding to take that job.
To help win the peace
At that time I stated to you and your cabinet that I was taking the assignment making it crystal clear I would try my best to help win the peace not the war.

POINT TWO - I immediately arranged the first world Press conference in Biafra inviting the US Press as well as journalists and television people from England, France, Switzerland, Africa and other parts of the Globe. This was the first news break through. I arranged regular trips into Biafra for the world Press, helped set up stringers, etc., so that your statements and the statements of your Cabinet would be heard.
At that time, I was absolutely positive you were right and your cause was a just one in the best interests of the free world and your countrymen.

POINT THREE - Finally the Republic of Biafra was recognized first by Tanzania, then quickly followed by Gabon, the Ivory Coast and Zambia. Our public relations work was paying off, world opnion was starting to side with us.
Peace talks were arranged at Kampala. I thought that if anyone walked away from the table it would be the Federal Government. But to my dismay it was Biafra that left the Conference. After all the fighting and killing, I knew that peace would not come easy but I could not understand leaving the Peace Conference until the last point was negotiated and the avenue explored.

POINT FOUR - Then urgent telex messages were received from 'Biafra' telling of tens of thousands of people starving in the refugee camps, the villages, the bush country - stating if something werent done in the next few months over a million women, children and aged would be starved to death. I immediately contacted the Press, urgently petitioned the State Department for action on their part. Food, medicine and milk were sent to the only available ports open for immediate shipment to 'Biafra' via land routes through Federal and Biafra territory, under the auspices of world organizations such as the International Red Cross among others.
Then came the incredible answer from 'Biafra' that land corridors could not be acceptable until there was a complete ceasefire, and that an airlift was the only solution to feed the starving.
You then appeared before the various Heads of State and representatives of the OAU at Niamey in Niger. I fully expected you to at least accept the world help that was offered your starving throngs. However, you delayed, hoping to use these unfortunates with world sympathy on their side as a tool to further your ambition to achieve war concessions at the upcoming peace talks in Addis Ababa. Thus innocent victims continue to perish needlessly of starvation, the most agonising death that can befall any living creature.

POINT FIVE - This was incredible to me. I am now convinced that I have been used by you and your cabinet to help in military adventures of your origin....using your starving hordes as hostages to negotiate a victory.
If at some later date, following the isuance of this letter, you do concede to allow a mercy land corridor...would you expect me to agree to espouse before the world Press the incredible delay of your decision. What explanation could I honestly give for the needless prolongation of this horror.
Inconceivable acts
I pray this communication may in some small way influence you to move affirmatively, allowing the mercy land corridor to be born.
It is inconceivable to me that you would stop the feeding of thousands of your countrymen (under auspicies of world organizations such as the International Red Cross, World Council of Churches and many more) via a land corridor which is the only practical way to bring in food to help at this time. It is inconcivable to me that men of good faith would try to twist world opinion in such a manner as to deceive people into believing that the starvation and hunger that is consuming 'Biafra' is a plot of Britian, Nigeria and others to commit genocide.

POINT SIX - I cannot in all conscience serve you any longer. Nor can I be a party to suppressing the fact that your starving thousands have the food, medicine and milk available to them.....it can and is ready to be delivered through international organizations to you. Only your constant refusal has stopped its delivery.
I am this date, tendering my resignation and am returning to Mr. Collins Obih of the African Continental Bank all the fees you have given me (Letter of Credit No. 354 $400,000 US.)
I have sent your representative in New York a Bond in the amount of 800.000 pounds that I was holding in your behalf. I have also this date, sent the Bond of 200,000 pounds issues by the Central Bankl of Nigeria back to them for disposal.

POINT SEVEN - I am now convinced that one Nigeria is the only solution to peace. I also call upon you Mr. Ojukwu to allow your starving people to be fed. Their well-being is of deep concern to me as well as other right thinking people of the world. Your acting in the utmost haste in this matter is in my opinion the first step toward any lasting peace in your country."

MONEY NO DE MISS O !

Nigeria: "Money No Miss"

Written by Prince Dickson

 ‘The longest road you’re going to have to walk is from here to here. Let me first issue a caveat, I am not a finance expert, an economist, or auditor, I am not a banker, I have not held the post of cashier, or treasurer. My mathematics is poor, but I know one plus one is equal to two. I also know money magic when I see one...and my admonition for this week is on some of

the magic of money in 2013 in Nigeria. 

But first let me tell us this story.

It's a slow day in little Tensleep, Wyoming. The sun is beating down, and the streets are deserted. Times are tough, everybody is in debt, and everybody lives on credit...

On this particular day a rich tourist from back east is driving through town. He stops at the motel and lays a $100 bill on the desk saying he wants to inspect the rooms upstairs in order to pick one to spend the night.

As soon as the man walks upstairs, the owner grabs the bill and runs next door to pay his debt to the butcher.

The butcher takes the $100 and runs down the street to retire his debt to the pig farmer. The pig farmer takes the $100 and heads off to pay his bill at the supplier of feed and fuel.

The guy at the Farmer's Co-op takes the $100 and runs to pay his debt to the local prostitute, who has also been facing hard times and has had to offer her "services" on credit.

The hooker (prostitute) rushes to the hotel and pays off her room bill with the hotel owner.

The hotel proprietor then places the $100 back on the counter so the rich traveler will not suspect anything.

At that moment the traveler comes down the stairs, picks up the $100 bill, states that the rooms are not satisfactory, pockets the money, and leaves town.

No one produced anything. No one earned anything.

However, the whole town is now out of debt and now looks to the future with a lot more optimism.

Madam Coordinating Minister for Economic Planning and Finance and de facto president Ngozi Iweala presented some N4.6trillion as budget for 2014 last week. And again as she spoke of job creation, agriculture, housing and had smiles--we look to 2014 with optimism?

That she presented it on behalf of the president is no news, or that there was another hassle before the National Assembly agreed on the oil benchmark for it, is not information to most of us.

That in my generation I am seeing trillions expended, is a little news, I never thought it did be this soon. Add that to the fact that the budget proper would pass somewhere in march/april and disbursement around may/june is now the norm.

This year some parastatals got their budget for this year, in October, some, only last month, and then others still waiting. Don't ask me how they ran their operations--whichever way, money no miss.

After the initial $49.8 billion alleged missing, Sanusi the CBN chief said he erred, only $12billion was found to have been a 'shortfall' in the oil fund remittance. Ngozi Iweala says it is 'only' $10.8billion that was yet to be 'reconciled'. So $1.2billion is the 'outstanding', money no miss.

Do we remember the N58billion that was hidden funds diverted by MDAs. Monies that was supposed to be paid into the consolidated revenue fund. It was diverted and hidden, money no miss.

Only few weeks back, between the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation and Labaran Maku N100.561billion could not be accounted for. Money no miss. 

Infact accountants at the Ministry for Information say they have no records for N4.6billion vote. Records maybe missing, but money no miss. 

How about the SURE-P N500billion that went 'awol' according to Senate. Well the Senate couldn't find it, but money no miss.

Have you seen the 50 questions on our economy that Ngozi must answer according to the House of Rep. Member, it is the same questions she's answered one way or the other, somewhere, at some point. The monies have been shared--money no miss.

The point of my admonition is we cannot afford to be on the same track, where several millions, billions just disappear. Where monies are dispensed and there's nothing to show for.

In 2013, billions were shared via the federation account and very little to show in development. A small community has a councillor, chairman,  a state legislator, a governor, a senator, a representative, and the president, in some cases, this community may have the honour or a minister for water resources as their daughter. Yet for all the billions, the community has no portable water. Well, they are not complaining, so like Fela put it...money no miss. 

We need to get over the Nigeria is broke, Mr. President rang the bell at the New York Exchange argument. All the EFCC is broke, we are not broke stories need to be sorted out. 

The strange cases of local government workers' salaries being owed for months, same as teachers must be treated.

Nigerians need to get tired of seeing their monies in luxury cars and homes, and lifestyles of those who claim to be their leaders. While millions can't be put in healthcare or for doctors and nurses.

Gov. Rotimi Amaechi could not have put it better, "we steal because people don't stone us". I dare add, they steal because we don't notice that money is missing.

I have purposely left out the millions missing in virtually every state, including Amaechi's state. I have not touched the pension billions, or the constituency project fraud--allowances, per diems and more that no one has records of. Simply because when the traveler comes down the stairs, picks up the $100 bill, states that the rooms are not satisfactory, pockets the money, and leaves town.

No one produced anything. No one earned anything, its just from here to here, but for how long we will pretend that money no miss--only time will tell. 

Prince Charles Dickson

Yours In High Regards

234-8033311301, 8057152301

OATH OF OFFICE TAKEN BY NIGERIA PRESIDENTS

“ I do solemnly swear/affirm that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to the Federal Republic of Nigeria; that as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I will discharge my duties to the best of my ability, faithfully and in accordance with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the law, and always in the interest of the sovereignty, integrity, solidarity, well-being and prosperity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; that I will strive to preserve the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy contained in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; that I will not allow my personal interest to influence my official conduct or my official decisions; that I will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; that I will abide by the Code of Conduct contained in the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; that in all circumstances, I will do right to all manner of people, according to law, without fear or favour, affection or ill-will; that I will not directly or indirectly communicate or reveal to any person any matter which shall be brought under my consideration or shall become known to me as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, except as may be required for the due discharge of my duties as President; and that I will devote myself to the service and well-being of the people of Nigeria. So help me God.

There is a level of poverty in Nigeria that should be unacceptable. I cannot understand why Nigerians are not more angry than they are- Nelson Mandela

In the following interview granted to Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed about six years ago, the legend Nelson Mandela spoke at length about his disappointment with Nigeria and Nigerians. It  is sad that since then, nothing has changed in what he observed about Nigerians and its leaders. One of the best way Nigerian leaders can honour the great man in death, aside from shedding crocodile tears as Afenifere admonishes them not o do, is to sit down, think deeply and change their ways for good.

Mandela and Obasanjo

He (Mandela) relaxed and apologized that it had taken that long for me to see him. Others left us, except a lady who sat discreetly away from us. I thought she was a medical person.

How are my Nigerian brothers and sisters? He asked me. He will not let me take the initiative. 'You know I am not very happy with Nigeria. I have made that very clear on many occasions'. Now I was curious. I knew of course that he led our suspension from the Commonwealth after the hanging of the late Ken Saro-Wiwa and his Ogoni compatriots. It was also no secret that South African governments including one he headed had considerably cooled off towards Nigeria, and by the time I was meeting him, Nigeria was a dirty word in most cities in South Africa. I mentioned that Nigerian people had very strong and positive dispositions towards South Africa and the Southern African region, and many were puzzled that people who marched all the way with South Africans can be despised by the governments and people of South Africa. Yes, he responded. Nigeria stood by us more than any nation, but you let yourselves down and Africa and the black race very badly.

I knew I was going to get a lecture, so I sat back. He spoke with passion and anger at a nation which has one-quarter of the black race, and had everything needed to be great, but is known principally for its dictators and its criminals. Your country, he said, used to be respected. After your suspension from the Commonwealth, many western countries approached me to help in isolating Nigeria so that it will be easier to bring down your military dictators. I consulted many African leaders, and all were unanimous in their advice. They told me to stay clear of Nigeria. That you will fix your problems. You have done it before. ‘But’, he shook his head, 'you have not.Not this time'. The world will not respect Africa until Nigeria earns that respect. The black people of the world need Nigeria to be great as a source of pride and confidence. Nigerians love freedom and hate oppression.Why do you do it to yourselves? He remembered Tafawa Balewa, the first leader who gave his party, ANC, financial contribution.

I saw an opening here. I suggested that all Africans are bitter at their leaders. With due respect, I  said, his presidency had not changed lives of black South Africans much, and his successors are not likely to do so. Yes, he agreed,' but we raised hopes that others can do so. ‘He was back to Nigeria. 'Your leaders have no respect for their people. They believe that their personal interests are the interests of the people. They take people's resources and turn it into personal wealth. There is a level of poverty in Nigeria that should be unacceptable. I cannot understand why Nigerians are not more angry than they are', he continued.

Since it was obvious that he was intent on pouring his heart out, I decided to let him speak. 'What do young Nigerians think about your leaders and their country and Africa? Do you teach them history? Do you have lessons on how your past leaders stood by us and gave us large amounts of money? You know I hear from Angolans and Mozambicans and Zimbabweans how your people opened their hearts and their homes to them. I was in prison then, but we know how your leaders punished western companies who supported Apartheid’. I reminded him that we had elected governments since 1999, and he knew some of our leaders in person. Yes, he did. 'But what about the corruption and the crimes?' he asked?  'Your elections are like wars'. Now we hear that you cannot be president in Nigeria unless you are Muslim or Christian. Some people tell me your country may break up. Please don’t let it happen'.

He sat back. I obviously got a lot more than I bargained for. Then he mellowed down, and apologized. He had not even asked me what I wanted to see him for, and he was tearing at my country. It was fine, I assured him. I merely wanted to meet him and pay my respects. He then asked me a lot of personal questions, and in particular what I was doing personally to improve the capacity of the Nigerian people to build the nation to be a source of pride and comfort for Nigerians, Africa and the black race. But he was in a lecturing mood.

'Let me tell you what I think you need to do' he said. 'You should encourage leaders to emerge who will not confuse public office with sources of making personal wealth. Corrupt people do not make good leaders. Then you have to spend a lot of your resources for education. Educate children of the poor, so that they can get out of poverty. Poverty does not breed confidence. Only confident people can bring changes. Poor, uneducated people can also bring change, but it will be hijacked by the educated and the wealthy'.

'Like South Africa today, sir', I quipped. He paused. 'It will be difficult for the world to understand that it will take generations to eliminate the structural roots and effects of Apartheid.' 'But', I drove the point home, 'You created the impression that the political compromises and concessions you made would lead to a dramatic change in the fortunes of black people'. 'Drammatic?' he asked. 'In many ways we achieved dramatic results'.' Like in sports', I pressed further. 'Sports is important to South Africans. It gave them confidence to believe things are possible. And it united them”. 'But sir, it created a false sense of progress, and people here think it is all a gimmick by white people to create a diversion'.' It is not a diversion, he countered. It is real. South Africans will have to come to terms with the reality that their country is a multi-racial, multi-cultural nation with rich and poor. Any efforts to reduce the gulf between  the races and classes is useful, he insisted.

Then he was back to Nigeria. People had said to him that South Africa could become an alternative beacon of hope and inspiration for the black race and Africa. He told them it was always going to be Nigeria. Nigeria, Egypt and South Africa can provide a tripod for real change but young Africans need to capture that vision. 'So', he said to me, 'If this audience has been useful, I am glad. But it will be more useful to me if you go back to Nigeria and work to give young Nigerians good education. Teach them the value of hard work and sacrifice, and discourage them from crimes which are destroying your image as a good people.'

TATTOO-What You Need To Know About It.

In every direction you turn nowadays in Music/Entertainment industries, showbiz arena, sports, Hollywood/Nollywood and virtually in all the elite’s social circles, getting a tattoo is becoming a popular trend. Not unexpectedly, Nigerians, as usual, have not only refused to be left behind in the rush to be identified with this fad, but have resolved characteristically to do it better than those from whom tattoo culture is being copied.

In Nigeria today, those spotting tattoo on different parts of their bodies come from different social and economic class that includes movie stars, musician, market women, bus conductors as well as students and even ‘area boys’.

What I don’t know for sure is wether these new converts to tattoo culture have sat down to weigh the advantages of tattoo against its disadvantages before taking their decision. Like any other decision taken under the sun, getting tattoo is not without is pros and cons. For those who have not yet decided whether to get it or not, going through the pros and cons listed bellow may be of help.

Advantages.

1. Chance to stand out and please yourself.
2, Chance to make a statement to the society that you are a rebel; a nonconformist.
2.  Another advantage of having a tattoo is, it can help your people to identify you if something
     awful happened to you.
3. Another advantage, not to you though, but to the society, is that it makes it easier for security         operatives to apprehend you if you commit any crime.

Disadvantages.

1.    The high financial cost of getting a tattoo.
2.    The pains you have to endure during the making of the tattoo.
3.     Once done, it remains permanent. If you later decide you no longer want it, you will have to pay     through you nose to have it surgically removed. Experts say the price of removal and the         complication with surgery may not worth it in the long run. “Removal”, they say “takes long, is     expensive and can damage skin tissue.
4.    The design or message you choose today you may not like again in years to come. What look        attractive to you at age 25 may look disgusting to you at the age of 30 or 40.
5.    Tattoo carry with it a lot of stigma and according to Shan Lyn Forsythe “it certainly will affect         your chances of getting a well-paying and professional employment”.
6.    Risk of infection. Using unsterilised needles and contents of harmful substances from the ink usd     carry the risk of contracting serious infectious diseases that may include, but not limited to, HIV-    AIDS, Hepatitis B or C, Mycobacterium, Syphilis, Eczema, Cancer and Leprosy.

I believe whoever read through his will be in a better position to take an informed decision.